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Bavarian Soviet Republic – 1919 Economy and Reconstruction I BEYOND THE GREAT WAR


Hi, I’m Jesse Alexander and welcome to the
Beyond the Great War, the monthly episode where we answer questions from viewers like
you. Vorusian Gambit asks: Are you going to cover
the Bavarian Revolution? Arguably, it was a lot more consequential
politically and in terms of its long-term effects than the Spartacus Uprising in January
1919? Well Mr or Ms Gambit, we would love to. Alright, here we go: In spring 1919, for a
few weeks there was actually a third Soviet territory in the world besides Russia and
Hungary – the Bavarian Soviet Republic. So let’s start with a little background
here. Now of course since 1871 Bavaria was part
of Germany, and had its own local government and even had its own king. That all changed in November 1918 with the
armistice and revolution. The king was kicked out and an Independent
Social Democratic government under Kurt Eisner took power and declared the People’s State
of Bavaria, which remained within Germany. In early 1919 though, things destabilized
across the entire country: there was the Spartakist Uprising in Berlin, which we covered in our
first episode, there was a brief Soviet Republic in the city of Bremen, but things really heated
up in March. A general strike in Berlin led to violence
and another leftist uprising. The government cracked down extremely hard,
and full-on battles with artillery, armoured cars and fighter planes left more than 1000
people dead – 75 of them government troops (Jones 238). This all happened in the neighbourhoods around
our studio, by the way, and this newspaper in front of me is filled with reports about
the fighting around here. On top of all that, once the Hungarians declared
themselves a Soviet Republic on March 21st, it seemed to would-be revolutionaries in Munich
that the time was ripe. “The news from Hungary hit Munich like a
bomb” recalled revolutionary poet Erich Muehsam (Gerwarth, 128) The Eisner government
was in chaos since the Independent Social Democrats had lost the January election and
in February, Eisner had been assassinated by a nationalist aristocrat on his way to
resign his post. On April 6, the Soldiers’ and Workers’
Council of Munich declared Bavaria a Soviet Republic and the elected government fled. It seemed to many that the Bavarian Soviet
Republic was indeed the final phase of a full German revolution. Author Thomas Mann, who lived in Munich at
the time and did not support the Soviet, confided to his diary on April 7th: “It may be assumed
that the rest of Germany will follow.” (Gerwarth, 129). The Chairman of the Comintern and leading
Russian Bolshevik Grigoriy Zinoviev sent a supportive message to the revolutionaries:
“We are deeply convinced that the time is not far off when the whole of Germany will
be a soviet republic.” (Gerwarth, 129)
But all this was not to be. Bavaria was deeply conservative and rural,
and most of the population had no interest in supporting a revolutionary government dominated
by urban, Jewish writers and poets like Erich Mühsam – though of course there were German
working class members as well, like former schoolteacher Ernst Niekisch. The Soviet’s policies of nationalizing banks
and companies, abolishing capitalism, and letting universities be run by the students
similarly fell on deaf ears outside the coffeehouses of Munich. On April 12 and 13 troops loyal to the exiled
Bavarian elected government, along with volunteer nationalists of the Thule Society, attempted
a coup known as the Palm Sunday Putsch. The coup attempt failed, but both sides became
radicalized. The Soviet was taken over by Russian emigres
Max Levien and Eugen Leviné and more extreme policies were introduced, though internal
violence was kept in check by more the moderate socialists and relatively effective revolutionary
courts (Jones 308). Government troops attacked again on April
18 but were defeated at Dachau by the Bavarian Red Army. This defeat prompted the exiled Bavarian Prime
Minister Hoffmann to put out a call for volunteers: “Bavarians! Countrymen! In Munich rages a Russian terror, unleashed
by foreign elements. This insult to Bavaria must not be allowed
to last another day, not even another hour. All Bavarians must immediately help, regardless
of party affiliation…Munich calls for your aid. Come on! Step forward! Now! The Munich disgrace must be wiped out.” (Gerwarth, 130). Thousands of Freikorpsmen, including future
Nazi Ernst Röhm, answered the call and joined the government troops preparing to march on
Munich (Gerwarth, 130). The offensive began soon after and by April
27 it became clear that the Soviet Republic was doomed, and the revolutionary government
fell apart. At this point the violence began to spiral
out of control. A group of Soviet radicals took 9 aristocratic
members of the right-wing nationalist Thule Society hostage in a school, plus a random
art professor. On April 29, government troops massacred a
group of 30 civilians as they advanced – they also executed 53 Russian prisoners of war
suspected of revolutionary sympathies (Jones 313). Further atrocities were enabled by Social
Democrat Minister Gustav Noske’s Schiessbefehl, or shooting order issued the next day: “Whomsoever
resists government troops by force of arms shall be shot forthwith.” This gave government soldiers and Freikorpsmen
license to execute suspected rebels on the spot and allowed the government to demonstrate
its might, in spite of the relative weakness and isolation of the Soviet. Things got even worse on April 30, when Red
Army guards executed the hostages at the school, including the lone female captive, who was
a relative of a government commander. The identities of the perpetrators are still
unknown, and it is not clear if they considered it a reprisal for the government massacres
of the previous day. The hostage killings exploded in the press,
with rumours that Russians had been responsible. Local resident Josef Hofmiller wrote in diary:
“They got the Russians drunk, until they became complete animals, and let them loose
upon the unhappy hostages.” (Jones, 304), The fact that the Workers’
and Soldiers’ Council condemned the murders was largely ignored. The city was now surrounded, government artillery
was brought up and resistance was completely broken by May 1st. The fighting and atrocities had cost the lives
of between 600 and 1000 people – 58 government troops, 135 rebels (some of who had been executed
after capture) and hundreds of innocent bystanders (Jones, 296). Much like the November armistice didn’t
stop the fighting in much of Europe, the killing didn’t end with end of organized fighting. On May 6, a group of Freikorpsmen acting on
a false tip of Spartakist activity burst into a church meeting attended by 25 innocent Catholics. The soldiers tortured, bayoneted, and then
shot them all, though four survived. One of the few accused to admit his role,
a soldier named Müller, testified at his trial, “Today I am sorry about it. I wanted to do good, I considered it my duty. It’s possible that I struck with my bayonet,
but I can’t remember.” (jones 327). The Bavarian Soviet Republic was gone, having
lasted just three weeks. It would live on in German public memory as
a murderous Russian abomination. But it was also another example, along with
the Spartakist and March Uprisings, of the Weimar Government choosing ally with the Freikorps
and unleash uncontrollable violence on its own people, a fateful decision for the years
to come. If you are curious about the Bavarian Soviet
Republic’s perception in the countryside as opposed to Munich, in this month’s The
Great War supporter podcast we talk to German historian Frank Jacob who just published his
research on exactly this topic. Among other things, he explains why Bavarian
scepticism and fear of Bolshevism didn’t mean they weren’t open to the idea of governance
through councils. The podcast is available to our youtube members
and Patreon supporters, and you can find more information about supporting the channel in
the video description below. Our second question is from Nick Bradbury. Nick asks: How did the allies, but mainly
the French and Belgians, recover the land and villages so quickly? Well, as early as 1915, French politicians
began to evaluate the damage done to the country, and to estimate what it might take to repair
it. By 1918, after 3 more years of shelling, neglect,
and occupation, large parts of northern and eastern France were completely devastated. Just to throw a few numbers at you: 2 500
000 hectares of farmland, 62 000km of roads, 2000km of canals, 5000km of railway, and hundreds
of thousands of houses were destroyed (Deperchin, 1063). By early 1919 the last of the refugees forced
out of their homes by the German offensives of 1914 and 1918 were returning home – if
indeed they had a home to return to. However, for the first time in history, many
of the warring states had promised their people to make good on the losses they had to endure
during the war. Modern war was total war, and the state had
resorted to mobilizing every last citizen to do their part for victory. Once victory was achieved, the state was morally
obliged do to repair the damage and compensate its citizens for their sacrifices. In France, this was not just a promise made
out good will – the French state was actually bound by a law called the Charte des sinistrés,
or refugee charter. The French government instructed its own “War
Damage Commission”, under minister of finance Louis-Lucien Klotz, to compensate every citizen
affected by the war individually, but this, as you can imagine, was extremely expensive. In terms of regions, the worst damage was
done to the industrial areas of northern France, especially the coal mines, which were either
damaged or used by the Germans during the war. Reintegrating the agricultural farmland was
in comparison rather easy, except for the areas that were former battlefields, where
millions of unexploded shells were still buried in the poisoned soil. But repairing, rebuilding or converting factories
would be a costly and time-consuming affair. Most of the military factories that had been
built or remodelled to produce grenades, rifles, uniforms, helmets, and other wartime goods,
now had to be converted to make civilian goods. In early 1919, France could use the demobilisation-effect
to offer veterans work in rebuilding the damaged areas, which was also a way to deal with the
surge in the unemployment rate. But this was only a short-term solution, and
in May the French parliament had to resort to steep tax increases. The war had already forced the French government
to take out high interest loans to cope with the extreme costs. Money was no object in the fight for national
survival, but now the interest rate came would come back to haunt them. The longer the war had gone on, the higher
the debt had climbed. The overall sum by war’s end was a staggering
5 billion dollars – that’s more than 73 billion in today’s money – which the French
now owed to Great Britain and the US. This crushing debt was of course hotly debated
at the Peace Conference, with the French doing their best to seek relief. Either Great Britain and the US would have
to forgive some of the debt – which not a popular idea for their governments — or
Germany had to pay, the sooner the better. “Le boche paiera”, Minister Klotz said
when confronted with the bill at the Peace Conference. But the Germans were not paying yet. And many politicians felt that France could
not fund the reconstruction alone. Etienne Clémentel, the French Minister of
Commerce, pleaded for US helped based on Wilsonian principles: “the complete reconstruction
of the North of France and Belgium is in essence everyone’s business, the primordial task
of the economic league of free peoples.” Belgium had also suffered terribly from the
ravages of war. With the frontline running straight through
the country, many villages, factories and farmland close to the front were flooded,
destroyed by shellfire or simply abandoned. Most of the country had been occupied by the
Germans, and they fully exploited its economic infrastructure. The Germans of course, prioritized factories
helping their war-effort and neglected or simply dismantled plants that were not useful. After their retreat, they took much of the
machinery with them, or stripped it of valuable copper and iron. Unoccupied Belgium, on the other hand, had
to keep up its armed forces, and to provide for civilians and refugees crowded into the
western part of the country. Trade came to a virtual stop during the war. The British blockade affected shipping bound
for al ports, and the fear of u-boats left much of the Belgian merchant fleet stranded
as well. After the Germans were finally driven out
of the country, the Belgians stood before a shattered economy. The only sector that had really thrived during
the war was agriculture, as the Germans were keen to keep up the food supply. But in comparison to France, Belgium did not
suffer such an oppressive weight of debts to foreign powers. That meant it still had the credit to take
out loans and invest in a quick recovery of their industry. The Belgian “Société Nationale de Crédit
à l’Industrie”, or national industry credit cooperative was able to effectively
funnel privately borrowed money to the devastated areas, and it became a patriotic endeavour
to make good the damages of the war. But private loans alone could not hope to
cover the amount it would take to restart the country’s economy. Like France, Belgium had to resort to higher
taxes and stricter control of the market though the government and foreign banks. On the one hand, this helped Belgium to recover
the “lost” areas rather quickly and reintegrate the damaged industries back into their economy. On the other, the Belgian government became
shackled to the interest rate of the banks, which in turn forced higher taxes and inflation. Like the other Allies, it had to rely on Germany
to pay for all of it in the end. At the end of 1918, French Minister for Liberated
Regions Albert Lebrun estimated that it would take 20 years and 100 000 workers to put the
damage right. In the end, things went more quickly than
this and was mostly completed by 1930, though officially work continued until 1962 (Deperchin,
1072) Even today, in northern France and Belgium’s “iron harvest,” old shells and other war
relics are still ploughed up every year. Our last question today is from Niko Stavropoulos,
who asks: I was curious to see the economic situation
in Europe as well as the United States at the time. I would assume that many businesses have just
lost a large portion of their sales due to the war ending, and also how many men now
re-entering the workforce must not help either. Thanks for the question Nick. As I outlined with France and Belgium before,
a lot of countries had made promises to compensate their citizens for their losses and sacrifices
for the war, until the reparations from Germany could be paid. But more threatening was the fact, that the
international commercial hierarchy had changed. Europe, it seemed, would have to make way
for the new financial powerhouse that was the USA. Great Britain’s war damages were less obvious
anyways. Instead of a war-torn countryside, Britain
had suffered high losses to their merchant fleet, and had to put aside immense sums of
money to pay for all the pensions of veterans and widows. But the real threat to the empire was the
disruption of the global market. Britain had been the main benefactor of the
pre-war economic cooperation between the nations, despite and because of their rivalries. London, with Paris on the second place, had
been the financial powerhouse of the world, due to the principles of free trade and a
healthy import/export routine in a liberal capitalist system. But now, with half of Europe’s economy in
shambles, and the other half in massive debt from overseas, Britain’s future as the trading
centre of the world, was in serious question. The massive debts and overall financial and
social insecurity was having an impact on the whole empire. From the early 1919 until mid 1920 there was
a strong surge of inflation gripping the world. Goods were in high demand and prices were
not only rising to unprecedented levels, they were actively destroying the market. And worse, they fueling the threat of revolution. The costs of living were getting staggeringly
high, while wages stayed mostly the same. Workers were flooding to the unions and strikes
were now more common than ever. In fact there were more strikes in Great Britain
and France, than in revolution-stricken Germany. Socialist agitators were rising up, questioning
if the war had really been fought to a victorious end, and if there wasn’t still a revolution
to fight? Were they really the victor if their standards
of living were getting worse? On a global scale, a lot of countries were
largely unaffected by the war, or could even profit from Europe’s weakness. Such as the Asian countries, like China or
Japan, but also the South Americas, which were now buying up the market. And that drove up the import prices all over
the globe, and hitting Europe the hardest, as it was in dire need of those resources
to rebuild the damage done by the war. The Italian Lire and the French Francs were
in free fall, and even the steadfast British Pound was in trouble. Every country’s currency but the US dollar
had been disconnected from the gold standard and their relative values were dropping fast. And that in a time, when they were expected
to pay back their debts. All were counting on Germany’s reparations. In this poisonous atmosphere, the economist
John Maynard Keynes – who took part in the Paris Peace Conference 1919 as an economic
expert – dropped his work: “The Economic Consequences of Peace”. A very liberal, free-market centred book in
which he strongly argued that high reparations would ultimately shackle Europe’s economy
and that only the unfettered distribution of goods would benefit the world in the long
run. Reparations would only serve the politicians,
who sought to reverse peace. They would make nations distrust each other
and turn their backs to the liberal global market and seek their lot in protectionism. “The Economic Consequences of Peace” became
a bestseller overnight, especially in the US. Like the others, the US’ economy was hit
by a “post-war-shock”. A wave of unemployment hit the country, as
the war-economy was suddenly put to a halt, and the army was demobilising. In principle, the US shared the same interests
as Great Britain in returning to a pre-war liberal market and to restore the international
trading relations, now that the war-regulations were a thing of the past. But due to claims to reparations and municipal
debts, politics and trade were now in an interlocked state like never before. President Woodrow Wilson was aware that the
US had to push for a leading role in restoring Europe as a trading partner. Like Great Britain, the US did not want Germany’s
economy to be fully destroyed, or shackled for generations to an utopian sum of reparation. It needed a balanced Europe, that would be
a valuable trading partner, but no dangerous competitor. But which path should Europe choose? Reparations had to be paid, but this would
take years, many decades even. And they could not even agree on a concrete
sum yet. The only solution to the inflation problem
was a massive, government-initiated deflation of the market. Especially France and Great Britain had to
forcefully rebalance the European economy, and to restore domestic order, by adjusting
the value of their currencies. But that would ultimately affect the US. Deflation could solve that problem, but if
the Federal Reserve of the United States reacted the same way, by deflating its own market,
it could drag down the whole fragile European economy. That was most certainly not the future, the
winners of the Great War were expecting. Well, that’s all for this episode of Beyond
the Great War. We want to thank Markus Linke for helping
us with the research for this episode. Keep your questions coming in the comments
for the next episode, and remember that if you really want your question to reach us
you can consider supporting us on Patreon or by clicking the join button below. And of course we’ll also answer community
questions on our monthly Supporter podcast. As always, you can find the sources we used
for this episode in the video description, and if you want to check out our merchandise
there’s a gallery below this video. I’m Jesse Alexander and this is the Great
War, a Production of Real Time History and the only youtube history channel that is its
own gold standard.

100 thoughts on “Bavarian Soviet Republic – 1919 Economy and Reconstruction I BEYOND THE GREAT WAR

  1. As a small production announcement: This was the last episode that in the classical format where we answer questions directly. From May onward, every video we publish every other week will have one main topic: an important event from exactly 100 years ago. This will make it much easier to follow the channel and it will be more in line with our mission statement to cover the war in real time 100 years later. Of course, you can still ask questions. We will answer some of the directly in our Patreon podcast and we will use them as inspiration for our episodes. As an example: A lot of fans asked if we will cover the American "Polar Bear Expedition" and so that will be exactly what we will cover in our episode in late May. On top of that, we will do a small "time jump" and starting with our episode in June we will have a synchronized timeline again meaning: The episodes coming out in June 2019 will cover June 1919 an so forth.

  2. 3:10 Your comment"Dominated by Jewish writers and poets" is very disturbing for obvious reasons. Where exactly do you stand?

  3. You guys should get Jesse a cool hat (or hats) from the time period. They were very common at the time and it'd help enhance the periodical charm of the show.

  4. I love history and this show is a most for history buffs. That being said,where can I get a cool desk like that?

  5. Thank y’all for answering how they demobilized. Suddenly millions of people need new jobs

  6. "Thr right of mankind," is a great movie on the red uprising. Sequel to " storm trooper 17." International historical films.

  7. I know that the French and Germans were rivals for centuries and there was bad blood between them. I can see the Germans being guilty of atrocities against the French during the war. What was the relationship between Germany and Belgium before the war?

  8. Your Chanel is the best. I have a question. Is it true that weeks before the Treaty of Versailles it was an attempt of independence in Rheinland supported by the French?

  9. So you're gonna keep posting things about the conflicts that continued after WW1 ended….for 4 years. Well, the Russian civil war did last until the mid 1920s.

  10. 1:19 there was a Soviet government in Bremen !

    communism was in front of my door and I didn't even know

  11. Did they Hungarians and Bavarians Soviet Republics really call themselves Soviet? Curious because this word is of Russian origin.

  12. Re Bavarian Red Army, did the the german army soldiers deserted and formed a red army (with the proper command structure) or it was more of a ad-hoc militia?

  13. You guys should du a special about Luxembourg during the war with the German occupation and the nation post-war.

  14. Many Democrat politicians here in the US are advocating "reparations" for American Blacks. I wonder if anyone has thought about the social, political, and economic "costs" of such an endeavor? I am fairly confident the citizens of Germany weren't very keen on it in the years after the Great War. Are "reparations" an overall positive or negative benefit? Has it been done in the past between nations? Have they been done "internally" with groups in a country paying reparations to another group in the same country? What were the consequences? Not trying to stir up trouble but honestly how this has worked out in history.

  15. Spain was of course smart enough tp stay out of the war and the economy prospered. I have read that once the war ended, the economy was badly hit, resulting in a lot of turbulence / strikes./ political violence especially in 1919, which was followed by the Primo de Rivera dictatorship to 1930, then the overthrow of the monarchy and the 2nd republic, then swings to the lefrt, and then, of course, 1936. very interesting

  16. I like the background music in this episode. It's a very nice touch. Now that that compliment is out of the way, when are you going to remove that Strike sign? Don't get me wrong — my parents were activists, and it's recently Labor Day, but it feels so out of place in the set. I know it symbolizes the turmoil of the period being discussed, but it's aesthetically unpleasant. It's kinda distracting too. Other than that, I love your channel. Please also discuss the British naval blockade that didn't stop with the November 1918 armistice and its role in killing tens of thousands of starving, disease-stricken civilians. Thanks, keep up the great work.

  17. The narrative that only coffeehouse literates supported the Bavarian Soviet Republic is wrong and has been proven to be wrong.

  18. i really, really like the intro song you guys are using these days – what is it, where is it from??

  19. Makes you wonder what could've been achieved if all the german revolutionaries had been smarter and focused on reforms/holding the MSPD to their promises. The early infighting doomed the Weimar Republic, unfortunately.

  20. Please make a video of Mehmed Emin Resulzade🇦🇿, and Hüseyin Nihal Atsız’s life. Please:)

  21. Could you tell us more about the Royal family of Germany (especially Kaiser Wilhelm II.) and Austria Hungary in exile or what happened to them?

  22. What was the peace like in the osmanian empire and Italy and how did it effect the future of their Nations?

  23. You passed a little quickly over the assassination of Kurt Eisner. He was shot dead by Arco-Valley, a far right aristocrat who had been denied membership in the Thule Society because he was part-Jewish. One of Eisner's associates assumed the SPD leadership was involved and shot Auer, the head of the Munich SPD. Auer survived although severely wounded. One commentator, Sebastian Haffner, has noted how already things in Germany had reached a point where, when a radical left-wing leader was killed, it was assumed that the SPD had something to do with it, although in fact Auer had nothing to do with Eisner's murder.

  24. It pains me… how our society attests to never repeat history, and our society states we have learned from history.

    Why is there no documentation of our successes and errors… mostly arrows, as that is where we may improve…

    Just thin’

  25. Congratulations for putting this together. It truly puts things in perspective ⛬ the economic insight is a much needed relief. It's a pity that they did not simply fix a percentage of the German's annual economy.

  26. Aww! You missed the fun stuff! Like:
    Franz Lipp was the foreign minister, clinically insane and declared war on Switzerland.
    The finance minister's pet theory was that the state could print as much money as it wanted.
    Erich Muehsam gave a three hour inaugural speech on how art would set the masses free, while the masses didn't know where their next meal was coming from.
    The state maintained its army by paying them 5X the typical wage for workers and providing them free hookers.

  27. will you do an episode on french efforts to keep saare and rhineland and divide germany into its component states?

  28. Interesting commentary about the Bavarian short lived Soviet republic also interesting your commentary about the financial and economic costs of WW1.A hundred years later history seems to be repeating it's self.The Iraq and Afgan wars which involved many nations have led many of the country's involved to run up big debts which ten years later they are struggling to pay.This I mean the US and its allies.The question is the world in the 21st century heading into another great depression.

  29. Could you touch on the fates of soldiers from racially diverse backgrounds and how the society accepted/rejected them after the war?

  30. Further reading if you are able to read spanish:

    JIMENEZ, Saturnino (1919, 11 marzo), "La Revolución en Baviera", La Vanguardia, sección "De Alemania", p.10, 3 – 4 columnas, Barcelona, España

    JIMENEZ, Saturnino (1919, 13 marzo), "La República Bávara de los Soviets", La Vanguardia, sección "De Baviera", p. 10

  31. This is really interesting. The postwar world economic situation is rarely explained in much detail. I was unaware of the Bavarian Socialist Revolution, and how it probably formed support for the later national socialists. Well done.

  32. Good that you mentionned "The economic consequences of the Peace" of Keynes.
    Too bad you didn't mention that his conclusion are now viewed by modern historian as wrong.

  33. Anyone who thinks "governments rebuild industries" is a baked in socialist even if they don't describe themselves as it.
    This Collectivist mentality is dominent now whereas only the village idiots would think that way at one time. .

  34. The way Jesse shifts seamlessly and effortlessly across languages is a turn-on I never appreciated.

  35. The economical analysis is very interesting. It goes far beyond the usual « France & Uk were demanding enormous reparations » forgetting that they contracted a debt as enormous to the US, so the payment of those debt was deeply tied to the payment of the reparations.

  36. Bavaria seemed like lawless wild wild west after WW1. The communists and the facists had violent revolutions there.

  37. I never knew about this. I was in Bamberg for 2 years in the army during the late 70's, nice place then. I do'nt know about now. Thank you.

  38. Great episode. Very informative and excellent footage. 
    In your discussion on the economics of peace you ignore that Britain, as well as France and Belgium to a lesser extent, could still rely on their colonies to rebuild their economy. The other nations lacked such resources.

  39. Prime Minister Paul Von Berkindorff Hindenburg relied an his administration keep That'll Sergeant Had An issue of Madness of the Versailles of Paris in up Overthrowing the Government oft Berlin Brandenburg District of The or Der Capital of Germany, I've thoughly known that'll was General Erich Wilhelm Ludendroff.

  40. The Freikorps were a great force that stopped an evil red menace from taking place. We need the formation of new Freikorps all over Europe to bring order due to the attack we have suffered from the returning red menace~

  41. I see a small error at 17:40. The way you put it it makes it seem, as if "The Economic Consequences of the Peace" was THE work John Maynard Keynes is known for. If there is just one work, he's known for then: The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money, published 17 years later (a very fiscally restrictive work, ) is it. It revolutionized our understanding of Economics.

  42. The Bavarian Red Army- now there is a strange concept. Sure was a lot going on back then. People were still dying, sadly, but at least it was at a much slower rate than during the war. The Freikorps is quite active. That would be like the American Legion or VFW here putting out armed groups to go cause trouble. Hard to imagine, but given the political and economic upheaval in Europe, i can see where it comes from. Great info as always. Love your work.

  43. Wait I came back after a long while . The last te I watched a great war video was after the amerstice. What happened to Indy?

  44. Well, it's really the longstanding Western tradition to heat up the russophobia in the situation of the internal troubles!

  45. I absolutely love the whole series up until the end of the war. Unfortunately I am not a fan of these longer videos. They seem to drag on way too long.

  46. "we are convinced that the time is not far off when the whole of Germany will be a Soviet Republic" – well he was half right

  47. A small feedback: Herr Alexander, you are starting every second sentence with "Now,". It's a bit repetitive. Love the show!

  48. A lot of People from Belgium that Fled to the Netherlands at the start of the war stayed after the war becouse it was beter for them here

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